By Nazneen Mohsina of RSIS
Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses
Volume 9, Issue 8 |
August 2017
In
recent months, Bangladesh has witnessed an upsurge of female participation in
„jihadist‟ groups in diversified roles. Since the ISdirected Holey Artisan
Bakery attack in July 2016, Bangladeshi militant groups have become more
assertive and violent. At the same time, they have also developed a
transnational outlook and linkages. The
role of female Bangladeshi „jihadists‟ have evolved from passive to
active and from peripheral to central as suicide bombers and combatants. This
change marks a new and more dangerous phase of violent extremism in the
country. The article will highlight the
implications of women‟s participation in violent extremism for Bangladesh‟s
internal security landscape and propose a gendersensitive approach to
counter-terrorism related legislation, policing, and law enforcement.
Introduction
Bangladesh
is not new to violent extremism and Islamist militancy. Following the end of
the US-supported Afghan „jihad‟ in the 1980s, various „jihadist‟ groups and
networks infiltrated Bangladesh.1 The period from 2001 to 2005 represents the
peak of militancy in Bangladesh underscored by a series of nationwide bombings
and a number of suicide attacks. Then there was a relative lull in violence
from 2006 to 2012. In the aftermath of
the Shabagh protest movement in 2013 in which more than 100 people lost their
lives and the domestic political situation became more volatile with
Bangladeshi militant groups rekindling their violent activities. The movement
was led by a few secular bloggers who demanded capital punishment for some
leaders of the religiouspolitical party Jamaat-e-Islami (Jel), among others,
who were convicted of war crimes during the Liberation War of 1971. The
Shabagh demonstrations triggered counter-protests from Jel and other likeminded
religious political parties. Overreactions from the security forces coupled
with the suppression of political opponents worsened the already polarised
Bangladeshi society drove radicals to join militant groups such as pro-Al-Qaeda
militant group Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT,
Ansar al-Islam) and Jama‟atul Mujahedeen Bangladesh (JMB). An
ultra-radical faction of JMB, known as Neo-JMB gravitated towards the Islamic
State (IS) terrorist group in 2015.
Since
then, Bangladesh has been reeling from a spate of extremist violence. This new
phase of violence is punctuated by targeted assassinations of social media
activists, secular bloggers, foreign workers and tourists, Hindu and Christian
priests as well as members of the Shia community. Most of these attacks have
been claimed by Al Qaeda in the Indian Sub-continent (AQIS), Al-Qaeda‟s South
Asian affiliate, and Neo JMB.
Bangladeshi Female “Jihadists”
Notwithstanding the Bangladeshi security
forces‟ counter-terrorism campaign, the growing participation of female
fighters since 2016 marks a new phase in Bangladesh's experience with violent
extremism. The emergence of IS extremist narrative revolving around the
so-called Caliphate, has significantly changed how extremist groups in
Bangladesh view the evolving roles of women in terrorism - from playing
peripheral roles to more central and assertive roles as suicide bombers,
combatants, recruiters, preachers and propagandists. Bangladesh witnessed its
first female suicide bombing in December 2016 during a police raid at a
militant hideout in Dhaka. According to Bangladesh‟s Counter Terrorism and
Transnational Crime (CTTC), the suicide bomber blew herself up while pretending
to surrender to the police when their safe house was sieged. The bomber,
Shakira, was the wife of Rashedur Rahman Sumon, a militant member of the
Neo-JMB.In 2017 alone, as many as seven female militants have been arrested and
six others were killed in counter-terrorism raids. A sizable number of female
„jihadists‟, mostly belonging to Neo-JMB, have also been arrested in Dhaka,
Sirajgonj, Rajshahi, Tangail, Sylhet and Chittagong districts earlier in 2016.
According to police investigators, the top leadership of the NeoJMB aims to
recruit more females for its organisational activities.
The
trend indicates that violent, extremist organisations are deliberately engaging
young women and girls as potential recruits in Bangladesh. Security agencies
busted Neo-JMB‟s first female unit on 21 July 2016 after the detention of
Mahmudul Hassan Tanvir, a Neo-JMB militant for the southern region. Tanvir was
arrested in connection with the Gulshan café attack. Following his arrest,
police and counter-terrorism officials detained four Neo-JMB female operatives
on 24 July 2016; who were undergoing training to carry out attacks in
Bangladesh. The police also recovered low-intensity crude bombs, explosive
materials and extremist literature in their possession.
Similarly,
on 16 August 2016, four more female jihadists were apprehended in Dhaka. Three
were students of Manarat International University (MIU), and the other was a
trainee doctor at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital.11 Likewise, four female
militants were detained in September. Before the arrest they were waiting for
directives from the Neo-JMB high command to participate in fidayeen or suicide
attacks.12 More recently, during a police raid in Rajshahi on 12 May, a few
militants including two females attacked security personnel with sharp weapons,
leaving one fireman (who was helping the police) dead and eight others injured.
Evolving Roles of Females in Jihadism in Bangladesh
The roles of women in „jihadism‟ have evolved
from wives and nourishers of ‟jihadists‟, to suicide bombers, combatants,
preachers and ideologues. Furthermore, they are being used as human shields in
combat operations and they also facilitate the transmission of operational
details. They are also emerging as important chat-room administrators of
various online social platforms, translators of extremist materials from
English to Bengali language, and leveraging on social media to radicalise
and mentor other potential female
„jihadists‟. This shift mirrors trends concerning the growing popularity of IS
vis-à-vis Al-Qaeda in Bangladesh. Al-Qaeda „restricts‟ the role of women in
„jihadist‟ activities. In one of AlQaeda‟s communiqués entitled “Risala Ila
AlAkhawat Al-Muslimat” (Letter to My Muslim Sisters), the present Al-Qaeda
chief Ayman Al-Zawahiri‟s wife Umayma Hassan Ahmed has forbidden women from
participating in combat operations. Umayma has defined the main role of women
“to preserve the mujahedeen in their sons, houses and secrets, and to help them
in raising their sons well”.
IS, on
the other hand, outwardly encourages and recruits women to take up arms against
its enemies. The group permits women to assert themselves by carrying out
responsibilities side by side with men and taking part in the struggle. Lately,
perhaps to widen their appeal some al-Qaeda ideologues have modified their
earlier conclusions and have given ambiguous statements about female
participation in armed actions. However, the „fundamental‟ commitment of
Al-Qaeda women remains to the family, with „martyrdom operations‟ accorded a
lesser priority.
Driving
Factors
The
individual motivations for women to engage in terrorism are multifaceted. According
to Bangladeshi security forces, most female radicals are influenced, and often
pressurised by their husbands to become militants. Hence, female participation
in terrorism is often linked to female subordination and not ideological
attraction. Indeed, women militants in Bangladesh have tended to have one or
more male family members who are also involved in militancy.
This
could be because of patriarchal norms of Bangladeshi society in which female
support for her husband is seen as a sociocultural duty. In such traditional
social frameworks, women are encouraged, and indeed, expected to follow the men
in the family. If women leave their husbands, they are shamed and ostracised by
the society. Also, most women in Bangladesh are not financially self-sufficient.
Hence, they are economically dependent on their husbands. These factors make it
difficult for women to reject the extremist influence, and often oblige them to
„follow‟ their husbands or other male relatives‟ direction.
While
it is true that radicalisation of women is, sometimes, facilitated by
relationships with others and also their social circumstances, there are also
cases whereby women have voluntarily participated in militancy. Their militant activism can be understood as
a response to the perception propagated by violent extremist groups – that
Islam is in danger and the Muslim world is under attack and therefore „Jihad‟
is the only way to fight back and protect the religion. The worldview
constructed by these violent groups is characterised by violence, injustices
and oppression to which the only panacea is their version of “Islam”. Violent
images and videos online create strong emotionally-charged narratives that
reinforce these claims.
A small but growing number of young, educated
women from mostly middle-class backgrounds in Bangladesh are persuaded by this
“Islamist vision” of a salvific, pristine polity. The declaration of the
so-called “Caliphate” by IS has been instrumental in attracting these women to
the idea of contributing to a utopian society governed by Sharia laws. These
women purportedly feel empowered to be in the fight for the rights of Muslims
who are portrayed as besieged and assailed by sustained extremist propaganda.
The implied innocence of the suffering Muslims increases a sense of moral
outrage that generates anger and provokes a strong desire to retaliate.
Some
female „jihadists‟ also harbour a secondary goal relating to greater gender
equality. For instance, they are attracted to IS propaganda which often pushes
for “Islamic feminism” and underlines the role of women as important state
builders, while still following Islamic principles.24 In other words, they view
militancy as a form of empowerment, liberation, and an opportunity to live in a
society with a belief system that they subscribe.
In
most cases, the process of radicalisation in women begin with a pursuit for
spirituality, a longing for recognition, a quest for identity, a sense of
belonging, and a desire to practice pure Islam. Their recruitment takes place
both online and offline. Acquaintances, friends and relatives can facilitate
the recruitment as well as online interactions with like-minded people. In
recent years, online chat forums and social media platforms have become a new
recruitment and meeting place between recruiters and aspiring jihadists.
Because of its apparent anonymity, people are more likely to self-disclose via
computer-mediated technology, which contributes to feelings of greater
intimacy. The mutual validation of ideas among the participants may not only
lead them to develop ideas at odds with the rest of society, but also harden
their beliefs as interaction among them acts as an echo chamber which gradually
radicalises them collectively.
Neo-JMB: a Pioneer of Female Jihadism in Bangladesh
Although
other banned militant organisations in Bangladesh such as Hizb-ut Tahrir and
ABT have female followers, they do not play an active role in jihadist
operations. Besides AQIS, Neo-JMB is the only other „jihadist‟ group in South
Asia that recruits and trains women for combat activities that include suicide
missions. It is reported to have a “Sisters Department” which plays an active
role in this process. Generally, most of the female militants are family
members of male operatives. However, the Neo-JMB also recruits women beyond
their families and marry them off to fighters. The female NeoJMB militants use
social media platforms such as Facebook and encrypted social media applications
like Threema and Telegram for communication.
It is essential to point out that the
participation of females as combatants is not new to South Asia. Apart from
Bangladesh, female militants have fought in the Sri Lankan civil war and the
insurgency in Indian Kashmir, and joined in the attacks in various parts of
Pakistan.
Advantages of Recruiting Females as Jihadists
Female
involvement in terrorist activities in Bangladesh has increased due to several
reasons. First, following the Gulshan terror attack, Bangladesh‟s security
forces have intensified its counter-terrorism efforts across the country. The
increasing number of arrests has thinned out the male fighters and dented the
operational capability of these networks. As such, „jihadist‟ groups have been
recruiting women to supplement their manpower and remain functional.
Second, female „jihadists‟ offer operational
advantages. For instance, they can get closer to their targets without being
suspected. Women are usually considered to be passive and non-violent, and are
thus subjected to less rigorous security checks. Moreover, Bangladeshi security
forces are dominated by males who cannot conduct rigorous physical checks on
females for reasons of propriety.
Third, as females do not conform to any
profile that would trigger law enforcement red flags, their radicalisation is
less noticed by people in their social surroundings. For instance, the presence
of women in militant dens is less likely to arouse public suspicion as they are
assumed to be unlikely perpetrators of terrorist violence. Finally, at the strategic level, female
attackers attract more publicity and media attention, as they are perceived to
generate greater psychological impact on the adversary or the target audience.
Even symbolic participation by female militants in combat and training
activities attracts more media attention compared to their male counter-parts.
All these imperatives often make female members „highly effective‟ actors for
their organisations. Nonetheless, female militants would continue to play
subordinate roles to men as both Bangladeshi society, and the ideologies of the
Islamist militant outfits are traditionally patriarchal in nature.
Conclusion
As extremist groups are increasingly
recruiting women to engage in a range of activities, female militancy in
Bangladesh should be given due attention. The involvement of women as
combatants can have grave implications for Bangladesh‟s internal security,
inter-religious harmony and tolerant socio-political fabric. Gender-specific
counter-narratives and counter-extremism messaging to counter the appeal of
violent extremist propaganda need to be revised to cater to gender nuances.
Bangladesh‟s counter-terrorism efforts have been generally successful so far
but terrorism cannot be eliminated by eliminating the terrorists alone.
Addressing the underlying socio-economic, political and ideological factors
that sustain radicalisation and breed violence have to be addressed in the
longer term along with neutralising the operational strength of the militant
groups.
Militant groups in Bangladesh will continue to
find supporters and willing participants unless the country adopts a more
inclusive approach that is particularly focused on eliminating conditions
conducive to radicalisation, and promoting gender equality. For instance,
campaigns focusing on empowering women and their socioeconomic development
based on the Islamic way of life rooted in the Quran and Sunnah could be
introduced to increase their „bargaining power‟ and self-esteem and encourage
them to take a firm stand against violent extremist ideologies. Also, as most women in traditional
societies like Bangladesh mainly depend on informal sources and traditional
institutions like the madrassas for religious knowledge the government should
engage the Islamic scholars to counter the narratives employed by „jihadists‟
to recruit women. In addition, women should be trained to be religious
preachers and employed in the community, mosques and social media forums to
facilitate a moderate understanding of religion. Lastly, more female officers
should be involved in law enforcement and counterterrorism measures to
effectively deal with gender sensitivities.
About the author
Nazneen Mohsina is a
Research Analyst with the Studies in Inter-Religious Relations in Plural Societies
(SRP) Programme, a constituent of the S. Rajaratnam School of International
Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore.
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