Friday, 4 May 2018

European Counter-Radicalisation and De-radicalisation: A Comparative Evaluation of Approaches in the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark and Germany



By Riazat Butt and Henry Truck
Institute for Strategic Dialogue | Cross-Country Evaluation Report

Introduction

This report is a comparative assessment of approaches to counter-radicalisation and de-radicalisation within four countries from the European Policy Planners' Network (EPPN). It begins by setting out the definitions of key terms. It then provides an overview of the recent history of extremist violence and the approaches taken in tackling radicalisation and facilitating de-radicalisation in the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark and Germany in order to contextualise the environment in which the programmes examined in the report operate. The report will then identify some of the key challenges and lessons that can be learned from the outcomes of policies and initiatives in this area. It is part of a larger project funded by the European Commission and is based on research and interviews conducted during visits to countries in question. Although this paper focuses primarily on four EPPN countries, the appendix contains case studies from elsewhere in Europe that offer valuable insights into other successful initiatives and programs in the field of counter-radicalisation.

Although the countries focused on in this report are not diverse in terms of their geographical location, their approaches to the challenges presented by radicalisation vary considerably as do the security and socio-cultural environments that inform them.  For example, the problems faced by Germany, a large federal state with a history of far-right and far-left terrorism, are quite different to those faced by its smaller neighbour the Netherlands. In addition to this the evidence base within these countries is strong, allowing for effective and in-depth comparisons. The way in which countries have been affected by extremism has a tangible impact on the formulation of policies and programmes designed to prevent or reduce the impact of radicalisation. Before evaluating the approaches to these issues taken in the four selected European countries, it is important to note that counter- and de-radicalisation policies and programmes cannot “simply be transplanted from one country to another, even within the same region. They have to develop organically in a specific country and culture.” Despite this, by evaluating the strategies and initiatives in their various national contexts it is possible to identify certain elements of good practice that could potentially inform policy and practice elsewhere.
 
Defining Key Terms

 Definitions of the concepts of radicalisation, de-radicalisation, extremism and counter-extremism often vary considerably. This variation is important as it can alter the focus, intentions and outcomes of both policies and programmes in these areas. This report adopts particular definitions of these concepts, but accepts that there is not an internationally recognised consensus on how they should be understood. 

How these terms are defined depends on how the radicalisation process is understood; it has become central to the study of terrorism and the formation of counter-terrorism policy, yet there is no universal theory of radicalisation and no one size fits all terrorist profile. Some states within the European Union (EU) have tended to concentrate on jihadist inspired radicalisation, while others have a broader mandate to incorporate other forms of extremism such as the far-right, the far-left or ethno-nationalist organisations. There are also differing legal interpretations of the threshold between illegal and unsavoury extremist behaviour. In other instances, there have been attempts to deal with anti-democratic behaviour regardless of whether or not it is linked to a specific ideology or the use or threat of violence. In order to encompass this variation in approaches the European Commission has adopted a wide-ranging definition of radicalisation as the “phenomenon of people embracing opinions, views and ideas which could lead to acts of terrorism.”

For the sake of clarity this report takes a broad approach to the contested and controversial term and defines it as “the process through which an individual changes from passiveness or activism to become more revolutionary, militant or extremist, especially where there is intent towards or support for violence”. This definition is flexible enough to incorporate a range of extremisms, including but not limited to Al-Qaeda inspired jihadist groups, far-right and far-left movements, and ethnonationalist, animal rights or environmental extremist organisations. It is important to note however that radical attitudes do not always precede or lead to violent acts, although counter-radicalisation programmes, by their very nature, are based on the wholesale prevention or curtailment of a process that could lead to violence.
Academics, policy-makers and practitioners agree that no single cause contributes to individuals becoming radicalised. There are many factors that, over time, can work either in isolation or combination to alter an individual’s behaviours and beliefs. These could include a lack of integration into society or the local community, political disenfranchisement, objections to foreign policy, or exposure to extremist individuals, groups or organisations. The local, cultural and social context also affects the radicalisation process and, accordingly, government responses to the problem reflect this. For example, European countries take a different approach to jihadist extremism than many of their counterparts in Southeast Asia and the Middle East. Most European states have tended to avoid theology and therefore have not explicitly challenged jihadist ideologies, narratives or messages.6 Instead they have initiated projects that focus on enhancing integration and social cohesion in conjunction with their de-radicalisation and intervention programmes. 

This report uses the definition of counter-radicalisation adopted by the United Nations Working Group on Radicalisation and Extremism that lead to Terrorism, which distinguishes counter-radicalisation from de-radicalisation. It defines the former as “a package of social, political, legal and educational and economic programmes specifically designed to deter disaffected (and possibly already radicalised) individuals from crossing the line and becoming terrorists”. The latter, deradicalisation, is defined as “programmes that are generally directed against individuals who have become radical with the aim of re-integrating them into society or at least dissuading them from violence”.8 Counter-radicalisation is therefore concentrated on prevention, while de-radicalisation seeks to reverse the process by helping to refute extremist ideologies and facilitate the departure of individuals from extremist groups. Disengagement entails a change in behaviour (refraining from associating with potentially violent groups or employing the use of violence) but not necessarily a change in political or ideological beliefs.

II. The Netherlands

The Netherlands has not experienced a terrorist attack on the same scale as other European countries such as the UK, Spain or Norway, yet it has had to deal with several crises relating to extremism, radicalisation and terrorism. These include the death of two Dutch citizens of Moroccan descent in Kashmir, killed while apparently trying to join a local jihadist group, and another Dutch-born citizen, Mohammed Bouyeri, murdering the controversial film-maker Theo van Gogh. More recently concern has shifted towards the number of individuals travelling to Syria to fight in the civil war as it is feared that their experiences in Syria may result in further radicalisation and potentially increase the likelihood of them attempting to commit attacks domestically on their eventual return. 
The assassination of van Gogh in 2004 had a profound impact on the Netherlands, shocking its traditionally liberal and tolerant society. Muslim communities and institutions became the target of increased hostility, suspicion and in some cases violence. The attacks and opprobrium took place amid a simmering climate of heightened scrutiny of the country's Muslim communities, intensifying debate around and feeling towards the religion and its adherents. Some suggested that many among the Muslim community were on the fringes of mainstream Dutch society and that radicalisation, violent or otherwise, represented a symptom of a considerably more entrenched problem. It was feared that if integration was not taking place effectively, and there were young minority populations who were closed off from mainstream society as well as their own communities, then the number of individuals at risk from radicalisation would only increase.

The Dutch government consequently introduced new legislation to tackle the threat of terrorism while also attempting to improve the levels of integration and participation in society. The ‘Polarisation and Radicalisation Action Plan’, launched in 2007, defined radicalisation as the “willingness to strive for farreaching changes in society (possibly in an undemocratic manner) to support such changes or persuade others to accept them”. 

Radicalisation was considered a consequence of societal breakdown, with redress lying in programmes intended to reinforce social cohesion and the successful management of a multicultural environment. The perception was that radicalisation, while not necessarily violent, could heighten the potential for violence and is therefore harmful to the democratic legal order. Many activities under the four-year Action Plan therefore focused on the promotion of shared democratic values, integration and social cohesion, with the hope that “improving the material integration and the sense of belonging of young Dutch Muslims... would reduce the breeding ground for radicalisation”. Alongside this there was an emphasis on deploying protective, preventative and repressive measures as a way to avert an individual or group's willingness to use violence. There were also activities intended to eliminate a sense of perceived discrimination or injustice as a way to prevent young people, especially males from minority communities, from feeling frustrated or excluded. 
The strategy attempted to balance preventative and repressive measures and had a number of elements: 

  Identify those vulnerable to radical messages and reach out to individuals at risk of “slipping away from Dutch society and legal democratic order” through radicalisation.
  Targeted de-radicalisation and disengagement programmes for those that have been radicalised.
  Disruption of extremist networks through effective law enforcement.
  Weakening the pull of radicalising agents by prosecuting those that seek to promote extremist ideologies and narratives.
The Action Plan was not renewed after 2011, yet it offers insights into the environment in which current programmes operate that are aimed at groups at risk of radicalisation and those that are attempting to deradicalise or disengage. These include Personal Intervention Against Young People in Right-Wing Extremist Circles, Nuansa, and the Slotevaart Action Plan to Prevent Radicalisation .

 III. Sweden

As in the Netherlands, Sweden has been spared large-scale terrorist attacks similar to those that have occurred in elsewhere in Europe in recent years. Authorities however recognise that events in Europe, and further afield can affect Sweden’s domestic security and overseas interests. One such event was the publication of cartoons in 2007 by the Swedish artist Larks Vilks depicting the Prophet Mohammed. This sparked condemnation and protests from people, and a number of governments, from across the Muslim world, as well as some threats. In 2010 there were a number of significant incidents. Vilks' home was attacked in May and two Swedish brothers, of Kosovar origin, were consequently convicted of arson. In November an al-Shabaab fighter appeared in a propaganda video, encouraging Muslims in Sweden to kill Vilks. In December 2010 an Iraqi-born Swedish citizen, Taimour Abdulwahab al-Abdaly, died in an apparent botched suicide bombing near a busy central shopping district in Stockholm after an explosive charge detonated prematurely. Also that month a planned attack on the offices of the newspaper Jyllands-Posten in Denmark by four Swedish residents was foiled thanks to co-operation between Swedish and Danish authorities. There have also been a number of instances where Sweden has been used as a base – to raise money for extremist groups, disseminate propaganda or various other activities supporting violent extremism. 

Violence-promoting extremism is not currently considered as the primary threat to Swedish society, democracy or central government. A more pressing concern has been civil unrest, in the form of demonstrations and protests. Nonetheless extremism in Sweden remains a threat to others, especially overseas. In 2010 the Swedish security service, Säpo, highlighted the increasing threat from individuals planning, supporting or financing terrorist attacks in areas of conflict abroad. Their report on violent jihadist extremism concluded that the largest threat was ‘returnees’ that come back to Sweden having attended training camps or participated in violent struggles abroad. Recently, as in the Netherlands, there have been fears over the number of Swedish citizens that may have travelled to Syria and the potential risks that they could pose on their return. The focus has shifted towards identifying individuals planning to travel to Syria and engaging in preventative messaging and dialogue, as well as speaking to those returning from such travel. In 2012 Säpo estimated that there were approximately 20 individuals from Sweden engaged in violence or in terrorism training camps in conflict zones such as Syria, Somalia and Pakistan.  More recent figures estimate that there are between 39 and 87 individuals that may have travelled from Sweden to fight in Syria.

 In the ‘Action plan to safeguard democracy against violence-promoting extremism’, published by the Swedish government in 2011, violent extremism is categorised into three different “violence-promoting ideologies”: far-right White Power, left-wing autonomous and violent jihadist extremism. According to the Swedish plan, radicalisation “denotes the process whereby an individual goes from being non-violent to being in favour of violence” and de-radicalisation “describes the opposite process”. It reflects current understandings of the social factors that can lead to radicalisation, including discrimination, segregation, a lack of community cohesion and feelings of marginalisation or exclusion. Such an environment, suggests one report, could create a situation “where it is easier for those who advocate violence and extreme measures to obtain a hearing”. Exclusion and a lack of social cohesion have consequences for individuals and wider society as tensions and conflicts with ethnic, cultural or religious undertones can arise and possibly contribute to further polarisation, radicalisation or even violence. 

Initiatives such as the Tolerance Project and the Karlskrona Municipality network are used to overcome exclusion through improved integration and urban development, and are therefore considered as measures that can prevent the circumstances in which radicalisation can often occur from arising. These are used in conjunction with various programmes aimed specifically at preventing individuals at risk from radicalisation from falling prey to extremist recruitment, ideologies and narratives, as well deradicalisation initiatives such as Exit Fryshuset. 

IV. Denmark

Again Denmark has not been the victim of a mass-casualty extremist violence, yet in 2005 the publication of cartoons by Kurt Vestergaard featuring the Prophet Mohammed in the Danish newspaper JyllandsPosten led to what has been described as the country's “biggest political crisis since World War II”. Reactions were initially restrained and far from uniform; whilst thousands protested in Copenhagen and some Muslim groups, individuals and institutions expressed disapproval, others took more moderate positions. There were also a number of protests outside Denmark, some of which turned violent. In 2006, the Danish embassies in Syria, Lebanon and Iran were attacked and in 2008 a car bomb exploded near the embassy in Islamabad, killing 6 and injuring at least 30 people. Some groups went as far as issuing threats against Denmark and its overseas citizens and interests, including an article entitled ‘The Cartoon Crusade’ that appeared in the first issue of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula’s (AQAP) magazine Inspire in 2010. 

The cartoons were reprinted in 2008 and Denmark, Jyllands-Posten and Vestergaard himself were again identified as high-priority targets. In 2009, two individuals were arrested in Chicago for planning an attack on the Jyllands-Posten offices. In January 2010, the Somali Mohamed Geele attempted to attack Vestergaard in his home, and was given a nine year sentence in February 2011. In September 2010, Lors Doukaev, a Belgian citizen of Chechen origins inadvertently detonated a bomb at the Hotel Jørgensen in Copenhagen that was most likely intended for Jyllands-Posten. Later that year in December a planned ‘Mumbai style’ attack on the offices of the newspaper by four Swedish residents was foiled due to cooperation between Swedish and Danish authorities. 

The fallout from the Vestergaard cartoons continues and Danish authorities claim that there is a “significant” threat of terrorism against the country.40 Recent assessments of the security threat have identified an increase in the number of Danish-based groups, networks and individuals that adhere to a militant jihadist ideology. Despite the significant number of attempted attacks associated with the controversial cartoons, the fear is largely from smaller scale or individual attacks rather than larger, more coordinated plots. There is concern over the potential of Danish citizens traveling to conflicts or training camps abroad in unstable countries or regions such as Syria, Somalia or Pakistan and returning to commit attacks in Denmark. While perhaps not to the same extent there is also the threat posed by either far-right or far-left extremist groups or individuals, which has been raised since the attacks on Oslo and Utøya by Anders Behring Breivik in Norway in July 2011. This has been fuelled by an increase of anti-immigrant sentiment in Denmark and the anti-immigration Danish People’s Party has gained in popularity, ensuring that, as elsewhere in Europe, debates surrounding migration, integration and community cohesion remain contentious. 

In order to counter these threats the Danish government released its ‘A common and safe future: An action plan to prevent extremist views and radicalisation among young people’ in 2009. The plan had two guiding principles; identifying and addressing problems related to extremism and radicalisation, and developing integration and cohesion within Danish society. Radicalisation is defined as, “the process in which a person gradually accepts the ideas and methods of extremism and, possibly, joins its organised groups”. The plan also recognises a number of elements that can play a role in the radicalisation process ranging from “personal circumstances” and “group dynamics” to “political, financial and cultural factors”. It was renewed under the current government, elected in September 2011, again stressing the threats posed by jihadist extremism and radicalisation, but also with a greater focus on far-right extremism following the attacks in Norway in July of that year. 

The Danish plan identifies radicalisation partially as a symptom of inadequate social integration. Its strategy to counter extremist radicalisation was therefore divided into preventative activities and targeted interventions. Preventative activities focused on increasing social cohesion and democratic capital and further integrating alienated groups into mainstream society. This was done by reaching out to young people and encouraging them to find healthier social alternatives to extremist groups through community dialogue initiatives and increasing the effectiveness of multi-agency partnerships. The plan did not therefore attempt to tackle violent extremist narratives and ideologies directly, preferring instead to focus on improving the socio-economic conditions of potentially vulnerable young people. 

V. Germany

 Historically Germany has been more concerned with combating far-right and far-left violent extremism than violent jihadism, so its de-radicalisation activities have traditionally been focused in these areas. The Red Army Faction (RAF) for example was the most notorious far-left terrorist group in Europe, committing numerous assassinations and bombings from their founding in 1970 until they disbanded in the 1990s. Extremist violence associated with the far-left has however been less prevalent in recent years. Contrastingly there have been a number of recent incidents of violence associated with groups from the far-right. Members of the Autonome Nationalisten (Autonomous Nationalists) group attacked far-left protesters and police officers in 2009, leaving dozens injured. 2011 saw the arrests of five individuals from the National Socialist Underground (NSU) suspected of involvement in a series of murders and several bombings between 2001 and 2007.  The group was only discovered following the deaths of two members after a failed bank robbery, prompting accusations that the security services underestimated, or in some instances were even complicit in the threat posed by far-right extremists.  The trial of the remaining member of the group, Beate Zschäpe is ongoing, although the case has already prompted an investigation into the mistakes that allowed the group to go undetected for so long.

As well as a history of far-left and far-right extremist violence, Germany has also been affected by a number of jihadist related incidents. These include the trials of members of the so-called ‘Hamburg Cell’ for their association with the September 11th 2001 attacks on the U.S.  , the attempted bombing of a Strasbourg Christmas Market in 2004  and the attempted bombing of trains in Dortmund and Koblenz in 2006.   There was also the ‘Sauerland Group’ who were prevented from carrying out a series of attacks on American targets in Germany by the security services in 2007. The only successful attack to date occurred at Frankfurt Airport in March 2011 when gunman Arid Uka, a 20 year old native of Kosovo, killed two US soldiers. Figures from that year show that there were 19 arrests and 12 convictions related to jihadist terrorism, which represented the highest levels since 2006. There was also an increase in the estimates of the number of jihadist extremists present in Germany to 38,080.  As in the other countries mentioned in this report there has also been concern over the potential threat posed by returning German ‘foreign fighters’ that have fought, and potentially been radicalised, in Syria.  German officials therefore continue to rate the level of the threat from jihadist extremism as its greatest challenge. 
 
Germany does not currently have a specific national action plan for combating extremist radicalisation, nor an official concept of what the term entails. ‘Extremist activities’ are defined by the Ministry of the Interior as “those which oppose our democratic constitutional state and its fundamental values, norms and rules, and aim to overthrow the liberal democratic order and replace it with one in line with the ideas of the respective group”. 59 Radicalisation in the German context can therefore be understood as the process an individual undergoes in order to hold views or commit actions (not necessarily violence) that are in line with the above definition. The responsibility for preventing radicalisation and implementing deradicalisation programmes falls under the remit of the wider German counter-terrorism strategy. The strategy emphasises the distinction between repressive and preventive measures, using law enforcement and general criminal prosecutions (existing statutes on homicide or public order offences for example) to deal with the former, and softer approaches for the latter. 

Germany's counter-terrorism policy has five primary aims, the second of which is to fight the causes of terrorism and extremism by thwarting the radicalisation process.61 Despite the lack of a specific standalone plan or strategy for countering radicalisation much attention is given to this objective in the wider counter-terrorism strategy. It incorporates a multidimensional approach by the Ministry of the Interior which includes civic education to reinforce fundamental liberal democratic values, attempts to foster interfaith and religious-political dialogue, and broader policies aimed at improving integration and social cohesion within German society. Attempts are also made to counter and refute extremist ideologies, narratives and messaging. For example in 2011, the Federal Government established formal, institutionalised dialogue between Muslims and the security services to fight radicalisation, violence, and jihadism. This was done through annual summits and the funding of partnership projects between the security services and representatives of the Muslim community to identify and challenge radicalisation at an early stage. In tandem with these various initiatives there are also a number of de-radicalisation programmes that encourage and provide support for those hoping or attempting to leave extremist groups.

VI. Lessons Learned

This section identifies elements of good practice and the lessons that can be learnt in the fields of radicalisation prevention and de-radicalisation, utilising the experiences of the programmes examined from the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark and Germany.Programmes and initiatives must account for the context in which they operate. Both national policy strategies and frameworks, as well as the local environment, need to be considered in order for a programme to be successful and relevant to its intended target audience. The Slotevaart Action Plan to Prevent Radicalisation from the Netherlands and the Karlskrona Municipality project from Sweden both consulted and partnered with local communities and organisations in order to set the goals and methodologies of their programmes for example. The development of working relationships and trust between project partners and stakeholders is also crucial to the success of any initiative. A multiagency approach is required to address the range of causes of radicalisation and support those that wish to de-radicalise. Work in this field can involve numerous public and private actors, as well as communities themselves and cooperation is therefore vital at local, national and international levels. The Personal Intervention Against Young People in Right-Wing Extremist Circles project from the Netherlands or the Danish De-radicalisation - Targeted Interventions programme both represent good examples of such cooperation as they brought together local authorities, central government and a combination of local actors to define the aims and scope of their programmes. Finally it is important that the facilitation of the sharing of information between projects continues so that past successes can be replicated elsewhere and previous mistakes can be avoided in future. The Nuansa project represents an important step in this direction, within the Netherlands at least, as its primary aim is to enable an integrated, multiagency approach to the challenges posed by radicalisation and de-radicalisation. Their advisory service also offers information and advice for others that have questions or concerns related to radicalisation, a model that could easily be adopted elsewhere.

Constructive and healthy personal relationships between practitioners and participants can also be crucial, especially in de-radicalisation programmes. Sustainability is therefore important as this can only realistically be achieved through the continuity of both funding and staff. The Violence Prevention Network in Germany for example has had success by offering consistent and long-term contact between individuals on the programme and their counsellors both inside and outside of prison in order to build up a trusting and beneficial relationship. It is also essential that both practitioners and participants are committed to the programme in question as de-radicalisation especially can be a difficult and long-term process in which set-backs are far from unusual. Programmes should therefore be voluntary where possible, such as those offered by EXIT Fryshuset, EXIT Germany or the Violence Prevention Network, who will only work with individuals that have referred themselves and are motivated to change their behaviour and beliefs. Programmes should be tailored to individuals where possible as there are not universal requirements for those at risk of radicalisation or attempting to de-radicalise. Effective working relationships are essential in understanding the nature of each participant’s specific problems and needs and addressing them in a satisfactory manner.

The use of ‘formers’ that have personal experience of both the processes of radicalisation and deradicalisation can also help to achieve the goal of building constructive working relationships as they offer a unique understanding of the dangers and problems that participants may encounter. EXIT Fryshuset and EXIT Germany represent successful attempts at such an approach as they are both primarily staffed by individuals that have previously been associated with far-right white supremacist movements, precisely the groups from which participants in their program are attempting to extricate themselves. The sensitivities surrounding state involvement should also be considered. Legitimacy and credibility are crucial as many of the individuals that programmes are intended to reach are often distrustful or openly hostile to the authorities due to their ideological beliefs. The use of ‘formers’ is one potential way of ensuring that participants have someone to work with that they feel they can trust. However it should also be ensured that programme staff must be well trained and supported, and be aware of the potential signs of radicalisation and the barriers to de-radicalisation that their charges may encounter. Reformed extremists may be in a better position in this sense as they should be well aware of both the radicalisation and de-radicalisation processes. Both the Tolerance Project in Sweden and the Back on Track initiative from Denmark have specifically emphasised the importance of staff training as a vital element of their respective projects.

 VII. Conclusion

This report has explored the range of approaches taken in four European countries to the problem of radicalisation. It has examined a number of programmes from these countries that are intended to limit the threat from radicalisation or assist those that have been radicalised to reintegrate themselves back into mainstream society and identified areas in which they have been successful. It is however important to reiterate that such programs do not represent comprehensive solutions to these problems, they should instead be considered as pieces of a larger puzzle. There are numerous factors that can work in tandem to lead an individual to adopt extremist views or participate in violent extremism, and subsequently there are a range of measures and programs that are required to combat radicalisation. The four countries examined in this report have largely recognised this and adopted policies that aim to address both the individual and societal factors that can contribute to the radicalisation process. Despite this, counter-radicalisation remains a relatively recent concern for many governments and communities. Consequently considerable gaps remain in both our understanding of the process of radicalisation and our knowledge of what makes for effective policies and practices in this area. This report has therefore attempted to highlight those programmes that have had success in order to inform future efforts at tackling the threat of radicalisation. However, more needs to be done to facilitate the dissemination of good practice both domestically and internationally. Any attempts at counter-radicalisation, whether by governments or other actors, must understand that success can be difficult to quantify and will require long-term planning, commitment and cooperation of all those involved in order to achieve the desired results

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