Wednesday, 6 June 2018

Why Has the Islamic State Failed to Grow in Kashmir?

By Mohammed Sinan Siyech
RSIS  Counter Terrorist  Trends and Analyses
Volume 10, Issue 5 | May 2018

Global jihadist groups like Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS) have failed to exploit the Kashmir conflict, unlike conflicts in Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, given that it is framed as a territorial issue and political dispute as opposed to an Islamist conflict. This article maps out the nature and magnitude of the IS footprint in the Indian Administered Jammu & Kashmir (IAJK) by examining the local dynamics of the insurgency. In doing so, it explains that opposition by local insurgent groups and citizens as well as the difficulty of penetration have denied IS any substantive presence in the valley.

Introduction

Since the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, the Indian administered Jammu & Kashmir (IAJK) has been mired in diplomatic and international tensions between India and Pakistan. Decades of poor governance, corruption, political disenfranchisement and lack of socio-economic  development in the region culminated in a mass insurgency in 1988 and is still continuing today with an estimated death toll of 45,000 to 80,000.The Indian government has fought off various Kashmiri groups such as the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and Hizbul Mujahideen (HM), as well as Pakistan supported militant groups like the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) among others. Following a relative lull in violence in the 2000s, the insurgency was reignited in 2016 after the killing of Burhan Wani, a local militant commander with extensive social media following. Notwithstanding the protracted insurgency in Kashmir, global jihadist groups, such as Al-Qaeda and IS have struggled to cultivate a substantial presence in the region. Given the two groups’ success in attracting foreign militants into other conflict zones such as Iraq, Libya and Afghanistan, their limited traction in Kashmir is notable. This contribution examines the reasons for the limited IS’ presence in Kashmir by looking at the strength of the Kashmir narrative and Kashmiri identity over translational Islamist identities, and opposition by local insurgent groups.

IS’ Footprint in Kashmir

Initial signs of IS presence in Kashmir became visible in 2016, after the locals waved the organisation’s flag on multiple occasions. Most of these incidents were driven by the frustration of the Kashmiri populace. Towards the end of 2017, its media channel Al-Qaraar increased its Kashmir-centric propaganda  when it released a document that criticised the role of ‘groups with links to Pakistani intelligence agencies’ who, they believed, were fighting for national causes rather than for Islam.5 Shortly thereafter, Al-Qaraar  released another document specifically naming various leaders of Kashmiri political and separatist parties and censuring their secular credentials and willingness to accede to international mediation by the United Nations (UN). Operationally, IS has claimed two separate assassinations of security officials in 2017 and 2018. However, given IS’ propensity to falsely claim responsibility for attacks, these reports are unconfirmed and flimsy at best. Indian security agencies have maintained that IS does not have a strong presence in the valley, citing a lack of members as the major determining factor. As such, IS’ influence in Kashmir is mostly limited to the online sphere where it is struggling to recruit youth.

Non-existent Global Jihad in Kashmir

The IS-led global Jihadist movement has displayed an affinity to latch itself onto conflicts in Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria, by attracting foreign fighters from various countries. Despite this, IS has abstained from directing fighters into, or attracting fighters from Kashmir and the insurgency there has remained a primarily indigenous Kashmiri and Pakistani based movement.
Three broad factors explain the disinterest in sending foreign fighters (FF) to the valley:

(i)           access to the battlefront,
(ii)         cohesion between local and foreign actors and
(iii)        chances of Victory.

(i)       Access to the Battlefront

In the case of Afghanistan in the 1980s and Syria since 2011, major mobilisation of foreign fighters was witnessed with strong access to conflict zones (the battlefront). This was facilitated by the Maktab Al-Khidmat headquartered in Peshawar, run by Osama bin Laden and Abdullah Azzam, that arranged logistics for foreign fighters who intended to fight in Afghanistan. For instance, due to the cold war between the US and Russia in the 1980s, many countries including Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Yemen among others were eager to facilitate foreign fighters to topple the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in Afghanistan and develop closer ties with the US. This was further reflected in Pakistan’s decision to keep its borders open to fighters who were travelling to Afghanistan. More or less the same dynamics were at play in Syria where Turkey played the facilitating role However, in the case of Kashmir, two factors have hindered or discouraged IS from establishing a foothold. First, the Kashmiri conflict is framed as a territorial and political dispute between India and Pakistan rather than an ideological dispute driven by religious factors. Moreover, it does not occupy the same level of importance for Muslims as conflicts in Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq. Barring one attempt, IS has not overtly reached out to Kashmiri groups or made it a central focus of its online propaganda. Secondly, Kashmir is a heavily militarized conflict zone that has a strong presence of over 700,000 Indian military personnel. This means that Indians or global members of IS who might use mainland India to travel into Kashmir will find it difficult to escape the elaborate security measures of Indian security forces.

(ii)   Internal Cohesion

In Kashmir, current insurgent groups are broadly united in their desire to bring Kashmir under the control of Pakistan, a Muslim majority country. While this may seem like a religious ambition, the reality is different since these groups use Islamist rhetoric for furthering recruitment and ideological justification. This was evident during the demise of the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) during the 1990s. As Chowdhary noted, the JKLF’s demands for independence instead of a merger with Pakistan was heavily undermined by pro-Pakistan militant groups such as HM and LeT. This was done through targeted assassinations of its leaders and HM passing information regarding JKLF’s key positions to the Indian military. Thus, the IS rhetoric of a so-called global Sunni caliphate has discouraged the local Kashmiri jihadist groups from joining, thereby reducing its chances of expanding in the valley. The groups fear that IS will not only dilute the indigenous character and nationalist outlook of the Kashmir conflict, but any internationalisation of the dispute will also provide the Indian military with increased space and justification to eliminate armed opposition. Moreover, IS’ criticism of Kashmiri militant groups in its propaganda also undermines its chances of making any gains in the region. Other than rejection of IS by Kashmiri militant groups’, the local population had its apprehension of the group as well. Even though most locals disapproved of the  internationalisation of the Kashmiri conflict, some of these individuals supported the notion and externalised their frustrations towards India, Pakistan and Kashmiri groups by draping slain militants with IS flags. Additionally, security officials reported the presence of IS flags in many areas, representing their displeasure towards all the actors involved. Thus, such efforts by Kashmiri locals were mainly due to political frustration rather than ideological devoutness with regards to IS. At its core, this resistance to Islamism stems from the concept of ‘Kashmiriyat’ that the locals adhere to. ‘Kashmiriyat’ or ‘Kashmiriness’ is an ideology rooted in the ethnicity of the Kashmiri people that propagates love for the motherland, shared language and customs. Given the 14th century origin of this ideology and its deep seated nature among the Kashmiri populace, there is little space for external ideologies to uproot it, especially due to the exclusivist nature of IS’ ideology that seeks to dominate and eliminate sub-identities (including those driven by ethnicity, language and nationality). Hegghammer has argued that the evolution of Islamism played a strong role in globalising jihad in any country, lending credence to the idea that the presence of a pervasive ideology such as ‘Kashmiriyat’ makes it difficult for IS' ideology to penetrate the population.

(iii)       Chances of Victory

Low chances of achieving a victory or separation from the Indian state in Kashmir have also discouraged IS from creating a foothold in the region. In fact, even with their strongest operational capabilities, the insurgent groups could not have toppled the Indian administration in Kashmir. The presence of militant outfits was often used to direct increased expenditure on security to quash the insurgency. Even though Kashmir sporadically faces internecine violence, it remains relatively stable given the implementation of the rule of law, elections and other processes essential to peace, unlike conflict zones in Iraq and Syria. In addition, the positioning of IS within the Kashmiri conflict would not result in support from the Indian Muslim population (which would act as a recruitment pool for IS). This is primarily because Muslims in India largely refrain from discussing Kashmir in weekly sermons or social activist events for fear of being seen as Pakistani agents – a highly popularised and predatory narrative peddled in India. Thus, IS might not consider India and Kashmir as attractive areas for operation and recruitment.

No Allegiances

So far, IS has failed to garner a pledge of allegiance from any Kashmiri militant group, which remains the group’s primary method of establishing a formal presence in any region. Militant groups often pledge allegiance in order to enhance tactical capabilities and training, increase funding and fight off other terrorist groups operating in the same conflict theatre.30 In Kashmir, none of these factors have compelled any group or breakaway faction to pledge allegiance to IS. As long as the larger groups are reasonably well funded and logistically powerful, there is not much that IS can offer them. Yet, IS has made an effort to attract smaller breakaway factions like Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind, which is a splinter group of the Hizbul Mujahideen, even though the group pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda. The group has maintained ties with Al-Qaeda possibly due to the fear of drawing the ire of the Pakistani leaning terrorist groups like LeT and JeM, which are dominant in the valley. Another reason to explain why local militant groups have kept a distance from IS ideologically and operationally, would be that they want to prevent international condemnation and reduced legitimacy of the Kashmiri cause

Prospects of IS in Kashmir

The penetration of IS in Kashmir remains highly unlikely. However, Islamist groups in the valley and India are generally strengthened by feeding off pre-existing groups. For instance, IS in India’s chief recruiter Shafi Armar, was previously a member of the Indian Mujahideen. Similarly, Al-Qaeda’s Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind (which IS has been trying to win over) is a breakaway faction of the current Hizbul Mujahideen (HM). If IS’ ideological narrative resonates with the members of existing local militant factions, the group may then have a chance to grow in Kashmir. Additionally, repression by the Indian state and specifically the harsh counter insurgency campaigns could continue to alienate the locals from the wider Indian state and increase the traction of extremist narratives. Given that younger Kashmiris have not witnessed an end to the instability in the state, they are likely to view older insurgent groups as incompetent and subsequently join Global Jihadist groups. However, even then, IS would have to compete with Al-Qaeda for popularity in Kashmir. In this case, there is no certainty that IS will gain more traction than Al-Qaeda.

In conclusion, IS has not made inroads into the Kashmiri militant landscape, and this status quo will remain unchanged in the near future due to the factors discussed. However, the incidences of IS’ presence in Kashmir suggest that the Indian state needs to rethink its approach towards the Kashmir insurgency. The problematic military approach of suppressing the insurgency has created pockets of marginalised citizens who may be at risk of joining IS. India’s approach to countering the problem in Kashmir has to combine this with soft measures, and the authorities would have to be more mindful of the population if it wants to continue its current record of defeating and weakening insurgent and terrorist groups in the valley.

About the author

Mohammed Sinan Siyech is a Research Analyst with the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR), a constituent unit of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore

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